Key concepts for theorizing Spanish as a heritage language

Research output: Chapter in Book/Report/Conference proceedingChapter

5 Citations (Scopus)

Abstract

DURING THE 1970S, in the aftermath of the civil rights movement and the formation of La Raza, a critical mass of studies on Spanish in the United States emerged. The scholars who undertook these studies were different than their early-twentieth-century predecessors, who had developed detailed descriptions of language use and form. Instead, many scholars in the 1970s and early 1980s took up ideological and theoretical issues (e.g., language "loyalty," as discussed by Sánchez 1972; and "diglossia," as proposed by Fishman, Cooper, and Ma 1971).1 With the growing presence of "native speaker" students in university Spanish courses, the phenomena of fluent vernacular bilingualism and language "loss" posed pedagogical challenges. At that time, Valdés (1978, 103) affirmed that "defining native language instruction for the profession⋯ is simply a question of deciding exactly what teaching a standard dialect of a language involves" (emphasis in the original). The first premise that she posited for a "comprehensive language development program" for bilingual speakers was "a dedication to bringing about the acquisition of 'educated' language use to include an overall development of total proficiency as characteristic of educated speakers of any language" (p. 106).

Original languageEnglish (US)
Title of host publicationSpanish as a Heritage Language in the United States: The State of the Field
PublisherGeorgetown University Press
Pages79-97
Number of pages19
Volume9781589019393
ISBN (Print)9781589019393, 9781589019386
StatePublished - 2012

Fingerprint

language
civil rights movement
language instruction
multilingualism
Heritage Language
Language
dialect
loyalty
twentieth century
profession
Language Use
1970s
university
Teaching
student
Standard Dialect
Diglossia
Language Development
Native Language Instruction
Bilingualism

ASJC Scopus subject areas

  • Arts and Humanities(all)
  • Social Sciences(all)

Cite this

Lynch, A. (2012). Key concepts for theorizing Spanish as a heritage language. In Spanish as a Heritage Language in the United States: The State of the Field (Vol. 9781589019393, pp. 79-97). Georgetown University Press.

Key concepts for theorizing Spanish as a heritage language. / Lynch, Andrew.

Spanish as a Heritage Language in the United States: The State of the Field. Vol. 9781589019393 Georgetown University Press, 2012. p. 79-97.

Research output: Chapter in Book/Report/Conference proceedingChapter

Lynch, A 2012, Key concepts for theorizing Spanish as a heritage language. in Spanish as a Heritage Language in the United States: The State of the Field. vol. 9781589019393, Georgetown University Press, pp. 79-97.
Lynch A. Key concepts for theorizing Spanish as a heritage language. In Spanish as a Heritage Language in the United States: The State of the Field. Vol. 9781589019393. Georgetown University Press. 2012. p. 79-97
Lynch, Andrew. / Key concepts for theorizing Spanish as a heritage language. Spanish as a Heritage Language in the United States: The State of the Field. Vol. 9781589019393 Georgetown University Press, 2012. pp. 79-97
@inbook{ec377e3f60234f8c8cb7983802134c05,
title = "Key concepts for theorizing Spanish as a heritage language",
abstract = "DURING THE 1970S, in the aftermath of the civil rights movement and the formation of La Raza, a critical mass of studies on Spanish in the United States emerged. The scholars who undertook these studies were different than their early-twentieth-century predecessors, who had developed detailed descriptions of language use and form. Instead, many scholars in the 1970s and early 1980s took up ideological and theoretical issues (e.g., language {"}loyalty,{"} as discussed by S{\'a}nchez 1972; and {"}diglossia,{"} as proposed by Fishman, Cooper, and Ma 1971).1 With the growing presence of {"}native speaker{"} students in university Spanish courses, the phenomena of fluent vernacular bilingualism and language {"}loss{"} posed pedagogical challenges. At that time, Vald{\'e}s (1978, 103) affirmed that {"}defining native language instruction for the profession⋯ is simply a question of deciding exactly what teaching a standard dialect of a language involves{"} (emphasis in the original). The first premise that she posited for a {"}comprehensive language development program{"} for bilingual speakers was {"}a dedication to bringing about the acquisition of 'educated' language use to include an overall development of total proficiency as characteristic of educated speakers of any language{"} (p. 106).",
author = "Andrew Lynch",
year = "2012",
language = "English (US)",
isbn = "9781589019393",
volume = "9781589019393",
pages = "79--97",
booktitle = "Spanish as a Heritage Language in the United States: The State of the Field",
publisher = "Georgetown University Press",

}

TY - CHAP

T1 - Key concepts for theorizing Spanish as a heritage language

AU - Lynch, Andrew

PY - 2012

Y1 - 2012

N2 - DURING THE 1970S, in the aftermath of the civil rights movement and the formation of La Raza, a critical mass of studies on Spanish in the United States emerged. The scholars who undertook these studies were different than their early-twentieth-century predecessors, who had developed detailed descriptions of language use and form. Instead, many scholars in the 1970s and early 1980s took up ideological and theoretical issues (e.g., language "loyalty," as discussed by Sánchez 1972; and "diglossia," as proposed by Fishman, Cooper, and Ma 1971).1 With the growing presence of "native speaker" students in university Spanish courses, the phenomena of fluent vernacular bilingualism and language "loss" posed pedagogical challenges. At that time, Valdés (1978, 103) affirmed that "defining native language instruction for the profession⋯ is simply a question of deciding exactly what teaching a standard dialect of a language involves" (emphasis in the original). The first premise that she posited for a "comprehensive language development program" for bilingual speakers was "a dedication to bringing about the acquisition of 'educated' language use to include an overall development of total proficiency as characteristic of educated speakers of any language" (p. 106).

AB - DURING THE 1970S, in the aftermath of the civil rights movement and the formation of La Raza, a critical mass of studies on Spanish in the United States emerged. The scholars who undertook these studies were different than their early-twentieth-century predecessors, who had developed detailed descriptions of language use and form. Instead, many scholars in the 1970s and early 1980s took up ideological and theoretical issues (e.g., language "loyalty," as discussed by Sánchez 1972; and "diglossia," as proposed by Fishman, Cooper, and Ma 1971).1 With the growing presence of "native speaker" students in university Spanish courses, the phenomena of fluent vernacular bilingualism and language "loss" posed pedagogical challenges. At that time, Valdés (1978, 103) affirmed that "defining native language instruction for the profession⋯ is simply a question of deciding exactly what teaching a standard dialect of a language involves" (emphasis in the original). The first premise that she posited for a "comprehensive language development program" for bilingual speakers was "a dedication to bringing about the acquisition of 'educated' language use to include an overall development of total proficiency as characteristic of educated speakers of any language" (p. 106).

UR - http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?scp=84957741532&partnerID=8YFLogxK

UR - http://www.scopus.com/inward/citedby.url?scp=84957741532&partnerID=8YFLogxK

M3 - Chapter

SN - 9781589019393

SN - 9781589019386

VL - 9781589019393

SP - 79

EP - 97

BT - Spanish as a Heritage Language in the United States: The State of the Field

PB - Georgetown University Press

ER -